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The Secession of the Whole South an Existing 
Fact. A Peaceable Separation the True 
Oourse. Its Effect on Peace and Trade Be- 
tween the Sections. 






The ^following articles were published in the Cincinnati Daily 
Press, at the dates stated. At the request of some of our most sub- 
stantial business men, and because the calls upon us show a large 
demand from our citizens, for circulation, we have reproduced them 
in this form without revision, trusting to the circumstances to excuse 
any abruptness of style in articles written for a daily paper, and any 
repetitions growing out of reference to each other : 



IFrom the Daily Press of January 23.] 
Coercion and Compromise. 

The Secession question is argued as if the 
only alternative were coercion or concession. 
Not that ihe South propose to concede, but 
that they have seceded ; and they must either 
be coerced back into the Union, or be per- 
suaded to come back by concessions from the 
North. We need not repeat that the Press 
has never taken any such ground, but has 
from the first argued against the contempla- 
tion of coercion of the South by the North 
in any event. We have argued from the 
first that it is a Southern question, and 
should be settled by the South, without any 
outside pressure, and that the North should 
abide their decision. 

The Government should die decently, of 
coursp. It should not permit itself to be 
robbed of its property, driven out of its forts 
by force, and bullied and disgraced by rebels. 
It has received insult and injury enough at 
Charleston alone to justify it in laying that 
town level veith the ground; and if it had 
been done when the Star of the West was 
fired on, the majority of the people of the 
whole nation would have applauded. But 
this is another question. It is whether the 
Government shall be coerced, before neeotia- 
tion has been even offered. 

Nor have we tolerated the loose terms 
which Secession has introduced, by which a 
Government of the people, as solid and 
whole as any Government on earth, is 
changed into a confederation of independent 
States, which make our Constitution a rope 
of sand, and give any turbulent division out 
of the thirty- three, the right to dictate new 
terms to the whole, and destroy their peace 
and prosperity. 



This is no such Government, At least, 
that is not the Government which the au- 
thors of the Constitution made. If it has 
become so now, it shows the delusive char- 
acter and total unreliability of written con- 
stitutions. But whatever the political na- 
ture of the Union maybe, it is worth nothing 
if not founded in the unity, affinity and fra- 
ternity of the people. 

A Union which must be preserved by 
force, is not fit to be preserved. It would 
destroy the foundation of human rights. We 
are not questioning the rights of Govern- 
ment to enforce its laws. This Govern- 
ment has that right as much as any Gov- 
ernment. But we are considering a move- 
ment against the Government, large enough 
to take a popular form, and to make preten- 
sions to a separate national existence. The 
people of a Territory larger than that of 
some of the great European Powers, have 
declared that the hostility of sentiment and 
interests, of social and domestic relatione, 
and even of religion, between them and the 
people of the free States, is such that the 
Union is odious to them, and they will not 
endure it. There is every indication thai 
they will be joined by every slave State. 
There seems to be no organized opposition to 
the movement in the whole South, and such 
opposition as there is, only proposes pallia 
fives which will but continue the disease, to 
break out again. 

Certainly the movement has assumed pro- 
portions sufficient to give it national pre- 
tensions. We are bound by the principles of 
our Government to consider it as such. It 
is elevated from a question of the enforce- 
ment of the law, to one of conquering an 
united people to a Union which they have 
thrown off. 



The Secession Question. 



We hold this truth to be self-evident : that 
no Government has a right to exist which is 
not founded in the affections of the people. 
The South— we speak of the whole South, 
believing that every Southern State will 
wheel into the Secession line — have declared 
that a Government in which the North ex- 
ercise that control which is allowed the 
majority by our Constitution, is odious to 
them, and they will not endure it. Nobody 
can seriously talk of coercion under such 
circumstances. It would be a monstrosity 
which the history of despotic Governments 
oould not parallel; and for a Government 
which pretends to exist only by the consent 
of the governed, it would be mocking at the 
principles on which it established its exist 
eace.. 

Will force form a more perfect Union ? 
Will concessions? What concessions will 
change the sentiments of the people of the 
two sections, which, under a Union which 
has been regarded as perfect, have grown so 
hostile that it must now be broken ? Are 
tbft sentiments of the people of the South 
toward those of the North going to be 
changed by concessions to their demands ? 
They do not promise any such thing, and 
nobody expects it. We may profess our 
friendship; but they declare their hostility 
for us to be such, that for us to exercise our 
constitutional rights in the Government, 
makes it unendurable to them. 

Are there any concessions that will obviate 
the growing preponderance of our numbers, 
and prevent the free States from having any 
control in the Government? None. How- 
ever jnuch we may concede now, time will 
bring round the time when the preponder- 
ance of i)opulation in the free States will 
again assert its constitutional rights. Can 
we promise the South that the sentiments of 
the people of the North toward slavery will 
br> changed? They are the same now that 
rhey ever were; no more anti- slavery and 
no less. To promise the South any such 
change, is merely to betray them. Yet they 
declare that their hostility to the Union is 
on account of the sentiments of the people 
of the North, and that until these are totally 
changed or subdued, no Union with them 
can exist. What political missionary is 
poing to promise to the South the day of 
Pentecost, which shall convert the people of 
the North from sentiments which are in- 



herent in their nature ; which they have 
always entertained, and, with few exceptions, 
do so still, without distinction of party, and 
which are held by the whole world? 

The objections of the South to the Union 
are radical, going to the whole character of 
our people. They declare that if this is not 
eradicated they will net submit to a union 
with the North, unless they can control the 
Government. Concessions will not change 
the character of our people ; and it is diffi- 
cult to imagine any that will permanently 
destroy their political power. Coercion of a 
united South would be folly, whether suc- 
cessful or not. It is out of the question. 
The only radical and permanent cure for the 
difficulties is peaceable division, allowing 
each section to work out its destiny accord- 
ing to the genius and institutions of its peo- 
ple. This will restore peace, harmony, and 
mutual respect, and allow the laws of trade 
to resume their sway, all of which are now 
destroyed or endangered by a political 
Union, which, on one side at least, has re- 
sulted in such intense hostility. The effect 
of this division we propose to consider far- 
ther in other articles. 

iFromthe Dally Presa, of January 30 J 
Sece^Hion the Only War to Peaceful Rela- 
tions between the Sections. 

In a previous article on Secession, we 
took the ground that any attempt to retain 
the seceding States in the Union by force is 
out of the question, as an alternative in any 
event, whether it may be called enforcement 
of the Constitution and laws, or coercion of 
States : That the whole South is united 
against the present, or late. Union and Con- 
stitution ; therefore Secession has assumed 
the proportions and pretensions of a popular 
and national movement, and is entitled to 
be treated as such ; and it would violate the 
fundamental principle of our liberty to at- 
tempt to put it down by force : That the 
Union is odious to the people of the South, 
and they have, with an appearance of una- 
nimity, thrown it off: That their declared 
hostility to it extends to the very sentiments 
of the Northern people, which they pro- 
nounce to be incompatible with their safety 
in the Union: That thei sentiments of the 
people in the North are the same that they 
always entertained ; therefore it is hopeless 
to expect a radical change in them : That no 
concessions can touch what the South de- 
clare to be the real cause of their hostility: 



The Secession Question. 



That no concessions can prevent the grow- 
ing preponderance of the non-slaveholding 
people in this Government ; which will be 
a constant source of disturbance and fear to 
the South : That no matter how much the 
North may be bound by new guarantees 
now, it will eventually assert its right to its 
constitutional share of the Government; 
which the South declare incompatible with 
their safety, and a tyranny which they will 
not endure. 

Few, either North or South, who think 
with sincerity on this question, and who 
divest it from narrow considerations of the 
reconstruction of a political party out of the 
destruction of the Constitution, and from 
any regard for the peaceable control of the 
Federal offices for a Presidential term, will 
undertake seriously to dispute any of these 
positions. They are merely a statement of 
existing facts. From them the conclusion is 
irresistible, that the only solution of this 
question is by a peaceable 'separation, /-e- 
lieving each section from the restraints, 
burdens, influences and institutions of the 
other, and permitting each to work out its 
destiny in perfect freedom. 

In considering the efiFects of separation, 
the uppermost one in the minds of this ma- 
terial generation, is its effect upon trade ; 
and as peace is essential to trade, the first 
branch of the question is what will be the 
relations between the two sections, when 
established as independent nations. They 
will be like those of all independent na- 
tions — "enemies in war ; in peace friends." 
Before we go further, we had better look at 
these relations in the Union ; because, if 
there is any difficulty in the argument, we 
may claim the advantage of the present 
stand-point. What has been the operation 
of the Union on our fraternal relations with 
the South? Beginning with a friendship 
established by mutual support through a 
long foreign war for independence, and 
with a mutual sympathy and friendship 
which we are accustomed to refer to in the 
most affecting terms, a hostility has grown 
up between the sections, which has con- 
stantly increased, until the intensity of 
hatred on one side is not paralleled by the 
hostility between any separate nations or 
tribes, either civilized or savage. Citizens 
entitled to the protection of law throughout 
the Union, are not allowed even the hu- 



manity which the laws of civilized warfare 
concede to prisoners of war. A citizen of 
the free States would be safer traveling 
alone and unprotected among the most sav- 
age tribes of Africa, or of the Islands of the 
South Sea, than within a portion of our 
Union. Nowhere else on earth does the 
mere calling of a stranger by an epithet, de- 
liver him up to the cruelties of a savage mob. 

This is what has resulted in the Union ; 
and this we are entitled to take as our start- 
ing-point in considering the effect of a sepa- 
ration upon our peace. And starting from 
this, there is no possibility in the future of 
separate existence, so bad as the present. Of 
all the nations of the earth, the citizens of 
the free States are the only people who are 
not respected and protected in the Southern 
part of their Union. England is an abolition 
nation. Nobody ever dreams that an En- 
glishman is not opposed to slavery. But he 
may travel throughout the South in safety. 
The ajgis of an independent natien protects 
him. Canada is the asylum for fugitive 
slaves ; but a Canadian may travel through- 
out the South, while a citizen of Ohio, which 
faithfully delivers fugitives, is liable to every 
personal outrage, solely on account of his 
residence in the Union. 

This is the way the Union operates. Are 
we not justified in pronouncing it a failure? 
Are not the South, who believe their hatred 
and barbarity toward the people of the 
North, to be well-founded and just, right in 
throwing off a Union in which the Northern 
people may, by any possibility, control the 
Government? 

Is there any hope of any thing better in 
the Union? We can only judge of the future 
by the past. Hostility to the people of the 
North has become the sole political capital 
of Southern politicians. He who can most 
intensify and gratify the popular hatred of 
the Northern people, will carry most votes. 
It is political death to any public man to pro- 
fess friendship for the people of the free 
States, or to advocate a Union with them 
which shall not be subject to Southern de- 
mands. Does the present hostile attitude of 
the South promise to ameliorate their senti 
ments toward the North? Do they not 
cherish every disgrace inflicted upon the na- 
tional flag by their hostility, as a victory 
over the North, just as we cherish the victo- 
ries of the Revolution ? And do they not 



G 



The Secession Question. 



count upon the submission of the North to 
their demands as a prospective Southern 
triumph? 

We are in a state of hostility of sentiment, 
at least on one side, which an actual civil 
war could hardly intensify; and if it existed 
between two separate nations, a war could 
only ameliorate it. The South Carolina 
Senator said truly, when he described this 
hostility between the sections,just before he 
withdrew from the Senate, and declared a 
Union of elements which, even in their social 
relations, were hostile, to be unnatural. We 
may declare our friendship ; but be at least 
was entitled to epeak for the ?eutiment of 
his section, and ho spoke truly. 

They declare that their hostility to us is 
founded in our opinions and convictions. 
Can we promise a change? They are the 
same that the people of the North have al- 
ways had; and which are entertained by 
the whole world, outside the circle of those 
of the South whose interest governs their 
convictions. They propose no interference 
with the South; but when was it ever 
heard of, that a free people gave up their 
opinions and conscientious convictions, and 
consented to hold none but such as were die 
lated to them as the price of political re- 
lations? 

Any change from the present relations 
would be toward peace. Tliis hostility and 
hatred have been caused by a Union of dis- 
cordant elements. So long as the Union ex- 
ists, it will only increase. Independent 
nations respect each other; and if the people 
of the North, when released from a bond 
which compels them to submit while their 
citizens are sacrificed to the Southern Mo- 
loch, have not the power and the disposition 
to secure respect for the persons and prop 
erty of their citizens in any civilized 
country, they will be unfit for national ex- 
istence, and then it will be time for them to 
submit to the South on such terms as it may 
grant. 

We are accustomed to talk as if, when 
disunited, the people of the two sections 
would naturally fly at each others' throats; 
and history is brought in to show that bor- 
der nations must necessarily be at war. Men 
never looked into history so far as the end 
of their noses, who draw this conclusion 
from it. Wars have always grown out of a 
union of discordant people, not from their 



contiguity as separate nations. To begin 
the evidence at home: Under the Union our 
relations with the South are constantly 
growing more hostile. With the separate 
people of Canada on our northern border, 
with a frontier just as extensive, our rela- 
tions, commercial and social, are constantly 
growing more friendly and intimate. 

Mexico is an illustration of a Union with- 
out affinity; and is a faint type of what this 
Union between hostile sections will be, if it 
is continued, no matter whether by force, in 
its present shape, or by patching it with com- 
promises. 

England has always been foremost among 
nations in anti-slavery sentiment and move- 
ments; and it now holds out an asylum 
within reach of Southern slaves. The anti- 
slavery sentiment of the people of the North 
is far less active and radical than that of the 
English. But England is a separate power; 
therefore, South Carolina, which throws off 
a Union with the people of the North, solely 
on account of their anti-slavery sentiments, 
flies to abolition England for a political and 
commercial alliance; and even offers to de- 
pend on her for protection. 

We may see the undying hostility of a 
Union of unfriendly elements in that of 
Austrian and Magyar, of Austrian and Ital- 
ian, of Turk and Christian, and of English 
and Irish. Our own relations with England 
have been enlargijg ever since our separa- 
tion from her. We trust we need say noth- 
ing more to dispose of the historical argu- 
ment against the independence of Stales. 
People refer back to a feudal age, when ware 
were undertaken for plunder and profit, and 
to furnish employment for bands of retain- 
ers. But that has gone out with the growth 
of industry and increase of wealth. The 
South can not aflbrd to make war, except 
for a cause vital to their safety. If they 
were even so warlike as they profess, their 
institutions are a pretty good guarantee of 
their peacefulness, as to any war which two 
could play at; and the industry and wealth 
of the North are a sufficient bond for their 
keeping the peace. 

A swparation is the restoration of peace, 
and will be the beginning of that mutual 
respect for the rights of each, which exists 
among all independent nations. It will 
withdraw all obstacles to the laws of trade, 
which are supreme over national bounda- 



The Secession Question. 



ries, but which are now impeded by sec- 
tional hostility ; and it will build up that 
commercial honor and integrity which 
usually exists among the merchants of differ- 
ent nations in their mutual transactions; 
but which now so readily finds a shelter for 
mercantile dishonor in sectienal fanaticism ; 
and makes its fraud a patriotic duty to its 
section. We shall consider further the effect 
of separation on trade in another article. 

fFrom the Daily Press of February 1 ] 

The Effect of a Peaceable Separation on 

Trade. 

We desire, in order to prevent misunder- 
standing and misrepresentation, that our 
readers will bear in mind the positions we 
have taken in previous articles on a peace- 
able separation of the sections, and the es- 
tablishment of two independent nations, 
based on the attachment and homogeneous- 
ness of the people. We take the Secession 
of the whole South as an existing fact, either 
an accomplished fact, or a fact declared by 
the position taken by those States which 
have not formally seceded. We assume that 
coercion is out of the question, and in viola- 
tion of the principle on which our national 
independence is founded. 

We accept, also, the declarations of the 
South, that their hostility to a Union with 
the North goes to the very sentiments, opin- 
ions, abstract principles and even religion of 
the people ; which »they say make a Union 
with the North incompatible with their 
safety; therefore, that no concessions can 
touch the real seat of the difficulty ; and that 
the only alternative is a peaceable separation, 
or a bloody civil war, which can have no 
other end but in separation. We have dis- 
cussed the effects of separation on the rela- 
tions of the two sections, and have shown 
that the Union has resulted in nothing but 
constantly-increasing hostility, which has 
reached a degree of intensity that must have 
relief in some way ; and that separation is 
the only way to peace, and will restore that 
friendship and mutual respect for the citizens, 
rights and power of each, which independ- 
ent nations accord to each other. 

We discussed this question in view of its 
effect on trade, and showed by our own ex- 
perience with the South and with other na- 
tions, that the sectional hostility which the 
Union creates, is the only hindrance to com- 
mercial relations between the North and 



South; and that separate independence would 
remove all obstacles, and relieve commerce 
from the burden of political questions and 
sectional fanaticism. Separation and inde- 
pendence being the only way to peace, we 
propose to consider further the effect on 
trade. 

It is the custom of politicians to tell our 
people that our trade with the South de- 
pends on the Union. By this the people of 
the South are supposed to buy our provisions, 
machinery, clothes, furniture, etc., because 
they are joined to us by a bond of Union. 
Yet if our citizens go South they Lynch them 
for their residence alone ; or in their mildest 
moods, they give them an hour to leave. 
Does this show a state of fraternal feeling 
that drives them North to purchase goods 
out of pure love for the people who are 
bound to them by the same glorious Union ? 
They don't serve the British so, who are not 
protected by the fraternal bonds and the 
star- spangled banner. 

Is there not a slight discrepancy here ? 
Will the Union trade-panic makers state 
how it is that people, whom Union makes so 
intensely hostile to us, come to us to trade, 
out of pure love and natural sympathy ? If 
to state the position did not show to every 
one the utter absurdity of talking, of the 
Union as a bond of trade, we should despair 
for the Republic; a thing which Mr. Bu- 
chanan very kindly consents not to do, so 
long as Virginia will demand fresh conces- 
sions from the North. 

Is there a man who buys what he don't 
want, because the glorious stripes and stars 
cover the seller ? Will any man pay half a 
dime extra on a barrel of pork or flour, be- 
cause it is sold under the Palmetto and Rat 
tlesnake, or the Pelican flag? Now any mer- 
chant knows that it is nonsense to talk of any 
such thing. There is not a merchant of our 
city who does not know that the laws of 
trade are the higher-law over political 
boundaries; and that all which they need is 
to be relieved from all political considera- 
tions, to have their full sway. They over- 
come even the present sectional fanaticism ; 
and men who at home are compelled to sup- 
port vigilance committees for driving off or 
Lynching our citizens, for their residence 
alone, come here and buy our commodities. 
But politicians, who have a place hanging 
on the Union, or on some party capital to be 
made out of a pretended worship of the 



d 



The Secession Question. 



Union, talk as if the trade of Cincinnati were 
dependent on it; and this is allowed to go 
as the sentiment of the mercantile and indus- 
trial oomnmnity here. But it is not the sen- 
timent. There is not a man of them, who 
would not regard one who bought goods 
which he did not want, on account of the 
nationality of the seller, as an unsafe cus- 
tomer to trust ; and who does not know that 
supply and demand are supreme oyer na- 
tionalities ; and that one per cent, on the 
price of goods will overcome the strongest 
national boundary that was ever erected. 

England once regarded our union with 
her as necessary to the relations of trade ; 
but they have been constantly increasing 
since the separation. The commercial rela- 
tions between New York and England are 
more friendly and reliable, and better estab- 
lished on mutual integrity and honor, than 
between New York and the South. So are 
the relations of the North with Canada. It 
is because they are relieved from political 
considerations. We have referred in a for- 
mer article to the disposition of South 
Carolina to make an alliance with England, 
the foremost anti-slavery nation in the 
world. But the South respect anti slavery 
sentiment in a separate nation ; while they 
can not endure a Union with it. 

Politicians say that the South can produce 
every thing that it consumes. So can the 
North. It can produce silk, wine, sugar, 
brandy, wool, cloths, laces, shawls, calicoes, 
dye-stuffs, iron, hardware, and almost every 
thing which it imports. Yet its imports are 
constantly increasing. Why does not the 
South produce that which it buys of the 
North? Simply because it can do better. 
F^r precisely the same reason that the North 
imports a hundred and fifty millions of dol- 
lars' worth of articles every year, which its 
own soil and labor can produce. Who is 
going to stop this, North or South ? The 
South talk of introducing manufactories. 
Even creative power can not establish 
manufactories where they are not drawn by 
the lawg^f profit and loss. 

Skilled labor requires intelligence, and in- 
telligence has opinions. IIow is skillful in- 
dustry to grow up in a country where opin- 
ions are held to be dangerous to the social 
relation, and are incompatible with personal 
safety ? It would be like introducing 
Christianity among a people who regard 
baked missionary as one of the necessaries of 



life. To educate labor in the South, would 
be as safe as to run a locomotive into a pow- 
der magazine. 

But it is unnecessary to take these consid- 
erations into the account. Things are as 
they arc, because the laws of trade have so 
settled them. So, also, in regard to produce 
which does not require skilled labor. Does 
any-body suppose that a Mississippi planter 
buys Cincinnati pork for his negroes, instead 
of raising it, for love of the Union. Our 
merchants would call such a man a fool; yet 
our fancy political philosophers are accus- 
tomed to talk so. Suppose the Ohio River 
were the boundary between two nations, 
and even suppose the South should resolve 
to purchase no more Northern produce in 
any market where the star-spangled banner 
flies — that wonderful piece of bunting on 
which our trade is now supposed to hang. 
Would the price oi a barrel of pork or flour 
vary one cent between Louisville and Evans 
ville, or Cincinnati? Would not one market 
govern the other, and every sale, in either 
place, be so much reduction from the gen- 
eral stock? And generally the price at Liv- 
erpool, 3,000 miles off, would govern them 
all. So much for political boundaries gov- 
erning markets. 

Would it not be well to know something 
of the present dimensions of this Southern 
trade. It has been made such a night mare 
of, in this city, that many well-meaning peo- 
ple believe it to be vital to our existence as a 
city. But outside of those articles of pro- 
visions which the South buys here because 
she must buy them in the North, the South- 
ern trade is not more than one- fifth of the 
trade of Cincinnati. The trade of Southern 
Indiana is three times as great as that of the 
whole South. Yet our politicians never 
allude to the Indiana trade as worthy o 
notice. This Southern trade is not equally 
distributed among our manufactures, there- 
fore a few kinds are much more interested 
in it than the rest. 

Our trade has suffered some this winter 
on account of the crisis; therefore trifling 
politicians say the Union must be recon- 
structed at any cost, so as to restore our 
trade, even by exposing it to the same crisis 
periodically. Bat it is not because Southern 
trade has stopped ; for exports to the South 
have fallen off but little, if any, in the aggre- 
gate. Secession is the occasion of our com- 
mercial difficulties; but the elements of 



The Secession Question. 



9 



which they are composed are no longer 
under the control of Secession, and are re- 
acting in spite of it; and trade is improTing. 
Secession stopped Southern payment of 
debts. That was a dead loss of a large 
amount to Cincinnati. But Secession can 
not do that again, for it also stopped their 
credit, and now they have to pay cash. The 
change to the Secession basis of trade neces- 
sarily causes some curtailment; but the 
trade is all the more healthy. Before, the 
Southern credit business was regarded as 
extra hazardous. Our merchants will be 
well satisfied with the change, and time will 
assuage the loss of the old score. 

But the greatest loss inflicted on our peo- 
ple was by the collapse of our paper money. 
One hundred millions of dollars in the North- 
west has been cut down ten per cent, on its 
value. That is our fault and our shame. If 
Secession will wipe the whole swindle out 
of existence, then posterity should buy up 
the bones of Yancey at $200,000, that being 
the assessed value of bones of the fathers of 
their country, in the Southern market, and 
should make pilgrimages to his tomb. We 
will even offer to go $50,000 better — to use a 
Southern commercial phrase — for a delivery 
so much greater. If relief from this ghastly 
swindle could be purchased by Secession, it 
would be dog-cheap. 

Secession is no more responsible for this 
than the Ohio Life and Trust Bank was for a 
similar collapse in 1857 ; and reconstruction 
of the Union is no more a cure, than the re- 
construction of that bank would have been 
a cure for that crisis. Here is where our 
people may find the seat of their difficulties 
and losses. Our currency might and should 
be such that even the day of judgment could 
not disturb it. But a fool, like Keitt, may 
kick the currency of this great country into 
convulsions. Until our working-men sweep 
this swindle, which speculates upon their 
bones and sinews, from our legislation, it is 
a ghastly joke for them to talk of capacity 
for self-government. 

From this grew most of the other evils. 
Great commercial relations suddenly found 
the currency dropped from under them. 
The currency-panic curtailed at once the 
enterprises that depend on credit. The 
change, North and South, from a credit and 
spurious currency to a cash basis, caused a 
temporary curtailment, until cash could 
overtake the usual credit time. A large 



portion of the Western banks seceded from 
redemption, leaving the people to suffer 
the depreciation on their notes. While we 
give Secession its due in the South, let us 
remember that it is honorable and noble, 
compared with the meanness and robbery of 
this Bank Secession. Southern Secession is 
not responsible for this Bank swindle. The 
Banks have only made Secession the occa- 
sion, just as Southern traders have made it 
the occasion, to repudiate their debts. 

The causes and elements of our commer- 
cial disturbance are now beyond the reach of 
Secession. Trade is reviving in spite of it ; 
and if the two sections are not forced into a 
war, the Spring will find all branches of in- 
dustry revived and prosperous, subject to 
such a diminution of the Southern trade as 
was inevitable from the short crop of cotton. 
What our city wants is peace — a permanent 
peace. We do not want to have all our 
losses go merely to heal up the sectional 
hostility on paper, while it is preserved ia 
the hearts of the people of the South, to 
break out again on the first occasion. In- 
dustry is king. The history of the world 
shows that skilled industry has always made 
agricultural peoples tributary to it. Cincin- 
nati has the skilled industry. All she needs 
is that it shall be relieved from political ele- 
ments and sectional fanaticism, and from its 
unnatural connection with sentiments, opin- 
ions and religions. That can only be done 
by a peaceful separation, which will annihi- 
late at once all the questions on which sec- 
tional hostility has grown up, and will leave 
the laws of trade and of mutual interest to 
have free course and be glorified. 

[From the Daily Press of February l.J 

l8 Reconstruction of a Stable TJnioii Jin- 
tfveen the Hostile Sections Possible ? 

It were well if politicians would look at 
existing facts, and cease their impotent 
drivel aboiit preserving a Union which is al- 
ready destroyed. The Union has. ceased to 
exist, by the action of fifteen States, which 
are incomplete alliance, offensive and de- 
fensive, against it; and which defy the Con- 
stitution and laws with perfect impunity. 
On the other hand, the North has ceased to 
expect that the Union — <hat is the Constitu- 
tion — can be preserved. It is too late to talk 
ot the unconstitutionality of Secession, or of 
the constitutional powers of the Federal Gov- 
ernment to enforce its laws and maintain its 
territorial integrity. Parchment powers ato 



10 



The Secession Question. 



annihilated by present facta. Whateyer 
powers the Government had, it has vacated 
by recognizing Secession as an existing fact, 
which it has no right to resist. And now 
the North has also recognized Secession as 
an accomplished fact, and as having rights 
superior to the Constitution, by sending 
Commissioners to concede to it terms outside 
the Constitution, in order to reconstruct a 
Union. Thus by the overt acts of one sec- 
tion, and their recognition as rights by the 
other, and by the vacation of its consti- 
tutional powers by the Federal Government, 
the Union is dissolved, and has ceased to be 
considered as a possibility. 

Events move with such startling speed in 
the rapid demoralization and destruction of 
our Government, that theories and princi- 
ples are left far behind. All questions about 
the right of coercion and of the enforce- 
ment of the Constitution and laws, and 
about the principles of the Constitution, and 
of compromises for the preservation of the 
Union, are waived and set aside, both North 
and South, by the general acceptance of the 
actual division of the Union, as the status 
from which a reconstruction of the Consti- 
tution and a new Union are to be formed. 

What kind of a Government must that be 
which can now be formed by a union with 
the South? It will be a Government with 
the established right of Secession. A Gov- 
ernment with the right of any turbulent 
State of the thirty-four, or more, to destroy 
it: the inauguration of anarchy with con- 
stitutional forms and powers. The condi- 
tion which Mexico hasarrived at, after many 
years of revolution and decay, will be by us 
elevated into a principle of Government, 
and established ever our Constitution. 

Secession will be established as a means 
of controlling our elections. It will be the 
political capital to which the politicians of 
the South will ever appeal, both as a means 
of exciting their own people, and of operat- 
ing upon the North. Every recurrence of a 
Presidential election will be a threatened 
crisis, to throw the industrial and financial 
interests of this great country into convul- 
sions. A Southern demagogue, in an insig- 
nificant State, which, perhaps, may owe its 
whole existence to our bounty, can fire this 
great Confederacy as easily as one of the 
same sort fired the Temple of Ephesus, and 
win greater notoriety without any of the 
risk. 



It will be a Union which recognizes the 
demands of the South as the measure of the 
submission of the North ; which the North 
clings to on any terms that the South may 
grant, and the South habitually spurns as 
abjectly subject to its demands; which the 
North is to make the supreme object of its 
loyalty, and the South to hold as existing 
only by its sufferance; which the North 
accepts as vital to its prosperity and its very 
existence ; and therefore, which the South 
naturally must regard as a privilege which 
it grants on its own terms, and which is to be 
violated at convenience. 

It will no longer be a Union of eqwkls; 
but of arrogant superiority and peremptory 
threats on one side, and of accepted vassalage 
on the other ; a Union which one section 
sets up as to be preserved at the sacrifice of 
its natural and constitutional rights; and 
the other holds subservient to its lightest 
abstraction, and as only a means of coercing 
the North into submission to its constantly 
increasing demands. It will be a Union in 
which the constantly increasing preponder- 
ance of free population in the North, will 
have to be counterbalanced by constant 
surrenders of constitutional rights and 
political power to the South. 

Were arrogant demands ever satisfied by 
submission, so long as one right remained to 
be surrendered ? If they were, then might 
we hope to satisfy the Sputh by concession ; 
but until human nature is reversed, one sur- 
render will be only the basis for fresh de- 
mands. A reconstruction of the Union will 
make all our industrial and commercial in- 
terests, and the constantly-growing wealth 
of the North, the sport of desperate politici- 
ans in both sections. The power to throw 
our financial relations into convulsions will 
be a political resource constantly holding out 
a temptation to reckless political adventurers 
in the South. The savings, earnings and 
very subsistence of the millions of free labor- 
ers in the North, will be placed at the mercy 
of political agitators like Keitt, Toombs and 
Wigfall, who, when political quiet at home 
haa left them without resource, can always 
resort to the fanaticism against the North, 
with a certainty that all the damage they 
can do to the Union will result in conces- 
sions to the South. Eebellion against the 
Union will have before it constantly the 
temptation of a reward ; and any future elec- 
tion of a Northern President whom the South 



The Secession Question. 



11 



can not control, will always bring the worst 
elements of their society to the surface, and 
give them the control of their politics and 
the peace of the country. 

Will that be a Gevernment which will 
"establish justice, insure domestic tran- 
quility, provide for the common defense, 
promote the general welfare, and secure the 
blessings of liberty to ourselves and our pos- 
terity ?" It will be organized anarchy ; per- 
petual revolution ; the higher law of rebellion, 
supreme over constitutions; and claiming 
the destruction of the industry of the North 
as me of its legitimate powers for control- 
linPthe Government, Such a Government 
would be unfit to exist. A Government 
which makes the destAiction of the industry 
of its people a tool for political agitation, 
would be a political atrocity which would 
deserve to be crushed out of existence. The 
most absolute despotism which should recog- 
nize the whole people as its subjects, would 
be a relief from such a Government. 

Would such a Union ameliorate sectional 
hostility, and restore such relations between 
North and South as are necessary to peace? 
A Union of equals has resulted in constantly 
increasing hostility. It has been excited to 
an intensity in the South which is unparal- 
leled by the feeling between any independent 
nations which are actually at war. A recon- 
struction will establish this fanaticism as the 
strongest and most available capital for their 
politicians. 

Will submission to those who hate us, win 
their love ? If that were the policy, none of 
the proposed concessions go half far enough. 
They must be in some degree proportioned 
to the intensity of the hatred. Will sub- 
mission quiet sectional political agitation at 
the North ? Every man knows that on any 
of the proposed concessions from the Consti- 
tution, the agitation in the North will break 
out with four-fold intensity ; and that if the 
South need new guarantees on account of 
Northern sentiment and Northern agitation 
now, they will need them vastly more in 
six months from the time they are made. 

We discuss this question chiefly in view 
of its relation to our industrial interests, 
which are in danger of being sacrificed to 
organized anarchy under the name of Union. 
Industry, which requires public peace, is in 
danger cf being made the victim of perpetual 
political agitation and of chronic war, for a 
mere political bond, which in itself only 



creates a thing for the South to agitate 
against. And in the industrial, we include 
all our material interests of trade and com- 
merce, which are all founded on labor. A 
reconstruction of a union of such elements, 
and on such conditions, will place all these 
interests at the mercy of the political agita- 
tors of a people so hostile to us that they 
now are longing openly for the time when, 
on account of distress caused by their pres- 
ent agitation. Northern laborers shall march 
our streets with pikes and firebrands in their 
hands, crying "bread or blood." 

Is there any national power or honor to 
be achieved by such a reconstruction. Our 
nation is now demoralized and humiliated 
in the eyes of the whole world. Even Mex- 
ico, which our President has talked of pro- 
tecting; and Cuba, which our President 
talked of buying or seizing from poor effete 
Spain; and Turkey, "the sick man," all 
laugh us to scorn. We have exposed the 
weakness of our national Government to 
the whole world. And all can see that a 
reconstruction would be merely covering up 
the same rottenness, ready to fall into disso- 
lution at any moment. What nation will 
now respect our power, when it knows that 
it may negotiate with any one of our thirty- 
four States for separate terms, or for a 
separation? and when the great Euro- 
pean Powers have been approached by 
different States of this Republic, seeking a 
separate alliance. In the eyes of the world, 
our Government is already more demor- 
alized than that of Mexico, for no State of 
that Republic has ever made advances to a 
foreign power for an alliance against the 
rest. Any foreign power may now defy 
our threats, for it is known that we have an 
internal hostility between the sections, far 
greater than any which at least one section 
can feel for any Foreign enemy ; and that 
at any severe trial of onr resources, our Gov- 
ernment will fall to pieces. A Government 
without strength at home, can never com- 
mand respect abroad. Mexico has shown 
national fidelity in all her partisan warfare. 
Our rank as a national power under any re- 
construction of such elements, must be lower 
than that of Mexico. The State of New 
York alone, or those of New England, could 
command more respect abroad as a national 
power, than can any union of all of these 
hostile elements ; and would have more real • 
strength. 



12 



The Secession Question. 



A Government can not be reconstructed 
))y the sacrifice of the Constitution to armed 
rebellion, that will have that consent of the 
croverned which we proclaim to be the only 
Just foundation for Governments. It would 
be the inauguration of a fresh agritation that 
would exceed any thing which has gone 
Ijefore. But suppose the Union were re- 
<onstructed on new guaranties to slavery. 
Is that the only question that may dissolve 
the Union ? Instead of that, any of the pol- 
itical questions that are used for agitation 
may threaten the Union. It was dissolved 
ooce on the tariff question. Had that Se- 
cession been encouraged by the abdication 
of all its powers by the Government, as now, 
and by promise of concessions in proportion 
'0 its demands, that would have progressed 
just as the present movement has under that 
treatment. It was crushed by the firmness 
of Gen. Jackson. Unfortunately, after it 
was effectually broken, Mr. Clay preserved it 
as a future resort, by a compromise, which 
nullification claimed as a triumph. The judg- 
ment of that eminent statesman gave way 
10 the bitter hostility between himself and 
Gen. Jackson, and he was willing to secure 
to himself the good will of those whom Gen. 
Jackson's firmness had made hostile, by a 
compromise, which, after budding out on 
various occasions, has now borne its full 
fruit. 

The question of revenue would at once 
threaten the Union again, if it could be re- 
lieved from the slavery agitation. It con- 
fairis in the future, more elements to try the 
strength of the Union, than it had in the 
i^ast; and, demoralized as the Union now 
must be, it would overthrow it. 

A reconstruction of the Union would be 
',he inauguration of new schemes for forcing 
the Government into a war for annexation, 
to restore the power of the South in the Sen- 
ate. Law can not restrain these enterprises ; 
and any outbreak will drag our Government 
into war; and then acquisitions of territory 
must follow. Million? without limit will be 
•irawn from the industry of the people of 
the North to buy territory, which as soon as 
v/e have lavished our money upon it, will 
turn upon us and "resume the powers which 
it granted to the Union," and will have the 
power to destroy the Government. 

Another dissolution would only be a ques- 

.Tiou of time. It is not probable that any 

honest man will dispute this position. And 



the whole aim of the South would be to pre- 
pare itself, at the expense of the Federal Gov- 
ernment, for another and final separation. 

What is it to which it is proposed to sacri- 
fice the welfare of this great people of the 
North? A political bond already broken 
and trampled under foot at the South ; but 
which at the North it is sought to make the 
more sacred, the more it is violated. Recon- 
struction is chronic anarchy, the supremacy 
of rebellion, increasing sectional fanaticism, 
civil war and another dissolution. A separ- 
ation of the sections is peace, the creation of 
that mutual respect which the people of in- 
dependent nations secure from each o^er, 
the banishment of the slavery question from 
our politics, the emancipation of trade from 
all connection with political opinions, and 
the beginning of friendly relations between 
the sections, which will vastly extend their 
commercial relations with each other. And 
instead of the trade of Cincinnati with the 
South being but about one-fifth of its entire 
trade — outside of those articles of provisions 
which the South buys in the North for the 
same reason that we buy tea in China — it 
will grow to be the largest share. Nothing 
but political hostility has prevented that 
hitherto; and so long as our politics are 
connected with theirs, this will continue a 
weight upon the prosperity of this city. 

We have discussed this question chiefly 
from a local view, although the same reasons 
apply to the whole North. We are satisfied 
that political relations have been a burden 
upon the growth of this city, by depriving it 
of that trade with the South, which, if the 
laws of trade were free from political con- 
siderations, it would have. While the po- 
litical bond continues, it will continue to 
bind our progress. The temporary success 
of one party or the other furnishes no relief, 
and never will. ■ Now that the South has 
broken this mere political bond, let us im- 
prove the occasion to the emancipation of 
our own industry and all our interests from 
a burden upon their prosperity, and a danger 
perpetually suspended over them. 

We accept the separation which the South 
has declared, out of no ill-will to the people 
of the South, but believing that it is the 
only way to that security of peace, property 
and the public welfare, which it is the first 
duty of Government to provide. We be- 
lieve that it will be mutually advantageous 
to the North and South ; and in another 



The Secession Question. 



13 



article shall give some considerations to 
show that a separation, by enabling the 
South to carry out in some way a policy on 
which it is bent, will greatly promote its 
prosperity, and bring a corresponding ben- 
efit to the trade and industry of the North. 

[From the Daily Press of February 5.1 
The Future of a Southern Republic. 

A peaceable separation of the Union im- 
plies but two National Governments, to be 
formed out of its materials ; at least on the 
Atlantic side of the Continent. The people 
of the Southern States have shown an affin- 
ity for each other, as exemplified by their 
readiness to take up arms for each other 
against the Government, and have ties of in- 
terest that will consolidate them into a strong 
Central Government. The right of Secession 
is purely a Southern right against the North ; 
and a doctrine so destructive to all stability 
and public safety, will be provided against, 
as soon as the South is relieved from 
an outside pressure which makes it regard 
Secession as a Southern right. They will 
take care at the start to guard against any 
future tendency of the Border States to Se- 
cession, which may grow out of the "irre- 
pressible conflict," which separation will 
transfer bodily to the south of Mason and 
Dixon's line. Whatever form the Govern- 
ment may take, it will be a strong Central 
Government. And, with long Presidential 
terms, no Government in the world would 
have stronger central power than one under 
our constitutional form, with the same scale 
of official patronage. 

The interests of slave labor will control 
the Southern Republic. It is unnecessary 
to argue that point. An interest which has 
controlled a Government in which the in 
terests of free labor comprised two-thirds oi 
the numbers and wealth of the governing 
class, will have unlimited sway at the begin- 
ning of a Republic which is founded en- 
tirely on the interests of slave labor. 

The Southern Republic will be well and 
wisely governed, according to their interest. 
If there is any capacity for government in 
the people of the North American States, 
the South has it by prescription and practice 
in this Union. 

We do not agree with the current idea that 
a Southern Republic will result in the Afri- 
canization of the Gulf States. This seems 
to be based on the theory that the Africans 



in the South are restrained by the union 
with the North. The slightest reflection will 
show its absurdity. Besides, the slaves have 
learned from the political harangues of their 
own masters, that the people of the North 
are Abolitionists. Cuba is not Africanized, 
although the proportion of slaves and of free 
blacks to the whites is larger than in any of 
the Southern States, and it has no outlet for its 
dangerous characters. Hayti is Africanized, 
but the same circumstances can not exist 
in the South ; and the Americans are a dif- 
ferent people from the French colonists of 
Hayti. The South has an outlet for its dan- 
gerous characters in the North, which oper- 
ates as a safety-valve. Desperation in the 
Southern negro turns its energies to means 
of escape. This carries off the element that 
would form the leaders of insurrection. Al- 
though the Southern people do not seem to 
appreciate the advantages of the Northern 
escape- valve, it really promotes their safety. 
Besides, the necessary measures for their 
own protection, will naturally make the 
South a military people ; and their form of 
society creates just the elements for this 
purpose. This may be seen already in the 
fact that the military spirit is much 
stronger in the South than in the North, 
as is shown by their fondness for mili- 
tary titles. The low estimate in which 
labor must necessarily be held in slave 
society, would induce all of the whites who 
are compelled to earn their own living, to 
accept eagerly any employment which pub- 
lic opinion made honorable. A regular 
army would be a service which would be 
sought for in the South. It would furnish 
an honorable position for the large class of 
poor relations of the aristocracy ; and thus 
would have the same hold upon the wealthy 
classes that the British army has; and the 
condition of society will make service in all 
grades to be regarded as more honorable 
than labor. This will furnish the South a 
guard for its own protection, and a strong 
and ready force for enterprises for territorial 
extension. 

A Southern Republic will be the opening 
of an unlimited market for African slaves. 
Laws do not govern this matter. If they 
did, then would the slave-ttade with Cuba 
be stopped; for it is prohibited by all possible 
legislation on the Islar^^d, and by solemn 
treaties with all the Great Powers. The 
laws of the Union against the slave-trade 



14 



The Secession Question. 



could not be enforced in any of the Gulf 
States, while in the Union. The slave-trade 
will hare in the Cotton States the protection 
of all the pro- slavery fanaticism of the 
people. A citizen who should now attempt 
to interfere with a cargo of freshly-imported 
Africans, in any of the Gulf States, would 
be treated as an Abolitionist — a treatment 
which would earry strong conviction to his 
opinions on the subject. 

In this section we are accustomed to think 
that the Northern slave States will prevent 
the opening of the slave-trade, because the 
slaveholders there are opposed to it. Even 
if they were, they can do nothing but legis- 
late ; and the whole world knows that legis- 
lation can not stop the slave-trade. But the 
slaveholders of the slave-breeding States do 
not comprise more than one-tenth of the 
voters ; and probably not one-fifth of the 
voters who represent the ultra pro-slavery 
sentiment. The few slaveholders would not 
control the matter; but the many who 
would be slaveholders. It is notorious that 
in South Carolina and in the other cotton 
States, the non-slaveholders are the slave- 
trade party. The slaveholders of the border 
States would no more be able to control 
this than they were the Secession move- 
ment, to which they were generally opposed. 
It is by no means certain that if a proposi- 
tion to open the African slave-trade were 
submitted to the popular vote even in Ken- 
tucky, it would be defeated. 

Would foreign Powers prevent? In the first 
place, they can not. If, with the slave market 
restricted to the narrow Island of Cuba, 
30,000 slaves are landed in Cuba annually, 
how can the trade be stopped when 2,000 
miles of coast are open to it, comprising, 
with its inlets and bays, several thousand 
more, and, with its reefs and hundreds of 
secluded inlets, furnishing places where 
slaves would be safe from approach or even 
discovery? 

Foreign Powers can not suppress the slave 
trade, and it is unlikely that they would 
continue the effort. The Southern Republic 
would not aid it; and the Northern Repub- 
lic would withdraw from all responsi- 
bility for the slave-trade, abroad as 
well as at home. The North will 
not continue to pay eight millions a year to 
maintain a fleet on the African coast, to keep 
King Badahung supplied with cheap slaves 
to sacrifice to his deceased father, instead of 



selling them to the trader for Southern 
plantations, where, instead of appeasing the 
soul of the late King of Dahomey, they may 
have a chance to work out the salvation of 
their own souls ; and where they will in- 
crease the products which the world needs, 
and will add greatly to all the other branches 
of trade and industry. When the North is 
severed from all connection with slavery, 
the slave-trade will be to them only a ques- 
tion between slavery as it is in Africa, and as 
it is in the Southern Republic; and few will 
say that slavery in Dahomey and Ashantee, 
is so much better than plantation life, that 
the difference will be worth eight millions a 
year to us ; especially when the latter makes 
cheap cotton and sugar, and enlarges the 
market for Northern products and manufac- 
tures. If the Southern Republic wants the 
effort to stop the trade continued, it will have 
to coatinue it. It will cease to be our affair, 
and we will have nothing in our policy to 
connect us with the question of slavery in 
the South. 

With the opening of a market for African 
slaves in the Cotton States, the alliance for 
suppressing the trade will drop to pieces. 
England, which is the bulwark of that al- 
liance, has been hitherto sustained in her 
philanthropy, by its restricting the competi- 
tion between the products of slave labor and 
those of her own West India Islands. But 
when the slave-trade will increase the 
product of cotton, her philanthropy will be 
in direct conflict with her interest. This 
would be reversing the usual order of these 
motives in the British mind; and it is not 
difficult to foresee which must succumb. The 
British mind is eminently conservative ; and 
distinguished as its philanthropy is, it is al- 
ways subservient to its interest. 

England and France are looking earnestly 
for means to increase the supply of cotton, 
and reduce its price. Both are seriously 
entertaining projects for the importation of 
Coolies into their tropical colonies, which 
are but slightly, if any, preferable to what 
the slave trade would be, if relieved from 
hostile cruisers. The opening of the cotton 
States to the African slave-trade, would 
solve the problem of cheap cotton for them. 
They would have no excuse for hostility to 
a trade so much like their own imports of 
labor ; and their interest would be directly 
against it. No matter what course they 
may pursue, a Southern Republic is the 



The Secession Question. 



15 



opening of a market as broad as a continent, 
for slaves. But it requires only a little sagacity 
to see that the opening of that market will 
be the end of the anti-slave-trade alliance, 
either by its own natural dissolution, or by 
direct treaty witH' the Southern Republic. 

The opening of the South to the import- 
ation of laborers from teeming Africa, will 
give the same impetus to Southern pros- 
perity that the North derives from the emi- 
gration of free laborers from Europe. South- 
ern productions will be greatly increased, 
and the Southern demand for the products 
of other industry, increased in proportion. 
And, with an unlimited supply of laborers to 
draw on, it will be the manifest destiny of 
the Southern Republic to overrun all the 
neighboring territory that is adapted to their 
great staples. The military spirit and or- 
ganization, referred to in the beginning of 
this article, which naturally grow out of the 
relation of slavery to labor, will make them 
a people well adapted to acquisitions by con- 
quest from weaker nations, when they have 
a supply of laborers to make their acquisi- 
tions available, 

, This increase in slave products will be felt 
in all the channels of commerce, and in 
all the branches of industry which are 
affected by slave production, and by the 
Southern demand for the commodities of 
other industry. Trade and industry abroad 
will receive vastly more benefit from slave- 
laborers than from the same number of free 
emigrants. A little reflection will show 
this. The proceeds of a free laborer in agri- 
culture, are chiefly devoted to improving his 
own place and increasing his stock. In these 
he puts his profits ; and this we in the North 
regard as adding to the wealth of the coun- 
try. But the laborer retains the wealth in 
his own hands. 



On the contrary, a slave laborer is em- 
ployed in converting the wealth of the soil 
into exportable commodities. These are 
transferred abroad, to make materials of 
wealth there. The habits of the master also 
transfer much of the proceeds abroad in some 
shape. Nothing stops with the laborer, and 
the land becomes exhausted and abandoned. 
This accounts for the abandonment of worn- 
out lands in Virginia — a feature unknown in 
the North, where lands increase in value in 
spite of their deterioration. 

Slavery is like gold mining. It takes the 
natural wealth of the soil and transfers it 
into the channels of trade. It transports the 
richness of the soil to other countries, while 
free labor keeps it at home, and accumulates 
wealth upon it in other forms. This, briefly, 
is the reason why the addition of a slave 
laborer adds so much more to the trade and 
commerce of other countries, having rela- 
tions to slave products, than the accession of 
a free laborer. 

The increased production which the im- 
portation of laborers will cause in the South, 
will give a great impetus to commerce and 
to all branches of industry connected with 
it. Commercial relations will be greatly 
extended between the South and all the 
countries with which she has natural rela- 
tions of trade. Skilled industry will ever 
appropriate to itself the lion's share of the 
profits of Southern production. Emanci- 
pated from political questions, and from the 
sectional hostility which grows out of a 
yoking of discordant elements, the laws of 
trade will resume their sway between the 
South and the North ; and their commercial 
relations will extend without limit. Then 
the two forms of industry will have an op- 
portunity to run their course untrammeled 
by e&ch other; and the prosperity of each 
will result to mutual benefit. 



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